The Evolution Of British Policy And The Emergence Of a Sinn Fein Publicity Department In The Years After The Easter Rising.

Mss notes, Part 25

On his return to Dublin, Childers immediately visited the Sinn Fein propaganda staff and showed them a letter written by Robert Barton about his prison experience.  Although Brennan wished to publish the letter, Childers felt that it was unwise to do so at that time (Childers Diary, 26 Feb. 1920, 7811, Trinity MS.  Later it was agreed to publish).  

Despite feeling the absence of his cousin “more and more”, Childers proceeded from the Propaganda Department to an important meeting of the Bank Directors.  As well as co-operating with Brennan and Gallagher over publicity and carrying out work for the Bank, Childers continued to cultivate a wide range of other personal contacts.  He met Dumont, the American Consul, on 27th February and on 4th March;  he discussed the question of Ulster with Lord Monteagle and T. Spring Rice (?? same person!).*

* Thomas Spring Rice (1790–1866) was the 1st Baron Monteagle of Brandon, making “Lord Monteagle” and “T. Spring Rice” the same person!  He was a British Whig politician who served as Chancellor of the Exchequer (1835–1839) before being elevated to the peerage, ed.

The issue of Ulster, and its impact on both Unionists in the south of Ireland and the aspirations of Dail Eireann, was becoming ever more urgent as the Home Rule Bill proceeded through the House of Commons.  It was in this context that Brennan and Gallagher decided to publish an article by Childers that he had written for an American News Agency some time in February in which he had addressed the question of the independence of a united Ireland.  

The article appeared in the Irish Bulletin of 4th March 1920, entitled Mr. Lloyd George’s Declaration Of War.  An Irish Answer.  And in this Childers was given his full title of Major Erskine Childers D.S.O.  

Having described how the popular expression of will for an independent Ireland was frustrated by a British military regime which imprisoned people “on mere suspicion, without charge and without trial”, Childers dealt with the issue of the proposed Home Rule Bill  (Irish Bulletin, 4 March 1920).

Childers quoted from a statement of Lloyd George on 22nd December 1919, which outlined, as he put it, “a scheme for partitioning Ireland into two fragments”.  Lloyd George, having mentioned the strategic importance of Ireland to England, declared that—

“I think it is right to say that any attempt at secession will be fought with the same determination, with the same resources, with the same resolve as the Northern States of America put into the fight against the Southern States”. 

To this declaration of intent Childers gave the telling answer: 

“We do not attempt secession.  Nations cannot secede from a rule they have never accepted.  We have never accepted yours and never will.  Lincoln’s reputation is safe from your comparison.  He fought to abolish slavery, you fight to maintain it” (Irish Bulletin, 4 March 1920).  

This article by Childers was one of the first of his contributions to be used by the Irish Bulletin and was to signal a much closer co-operation between himself, Brennan and Gallagher in the months ahead.  The main issue of the time, however, was provoked by Alan Bell’s action against the banks. 

Irish Bulletin And Alan Bell 

Although steps had been taken against the Dail Eireann and Sinn Fein banks as early as January, the measures introduced by Bell in March threatened the financial basis of the Sinn Fein movement.  Not only the funding for the Publicity Department was at risk, but so too was the financial structure for all of the activities of Sinn Fein and Dail Eireann.  Bell’s directive, issued from the Police Courts on 1st March, instructed all bank officials to declare openly their dealings with any of the nationalist organisations that had been declared illegal by the proclamations of Lord French in the autumn of last year.  The form of the summons was imperative and comprehensive: 

“This is to command you to appear as witness before me at the Police Court, Inns’ Quay, Dublin, on the 8 March 1920 at 11 o’clock a.m., then and there to be examined before me, touching the premises, and to bring with you and to produce for examination Securities, Telegrams, Copies of Telegrams, Letters, Copies of Letters, Bills, Cheques, Orders of Drafts, Records, Memoranda, Notes of Telephone Messages sent or received, and all Memoranda and other documents in any way relating to any dealings or transactions between your Bank and the said organisations…” (Irish Bulletin, 9 March 1920 ?? exact qoute).  

On 2nd March 1920 several bank managers received individual summonses to attend the Police Courts, Inn Quay, to answer questions about the connection of their banks with any banned organisations.  Among those who received a summons were five managers of the Hibernian Bank and five managers of the Munster and Leinster Bank.  All of the managers who were summoned were well known in Dublin banking circles and their banks enjoyed prime locations in the city.  (Form of Summons to Witness, 2 March 1920, CO 904/177/1, PROE.)  

The operation against the banks was conducted at the highest level.   Johnstone, the Chief Commissioner of the DMP, reported directly to Taylor on 3rd March 1920 that he had personally read Bell’s form of summons to J. Campbell, manager of the Hibernian Bank on College Green, and to F. Dawson, manager of the Munster and Leinster Bank in Dame Street.  Bell undersigned this Memorandum on the same date.  (Johnstone to Assistant Under-Secretary, Taylor, 3 March 1920, CO 904/177/1 and Bell’s signature nb Johnstone 3.2.20 but Bell 3.3.20 clearly correct.  The names of all the bank managers who were summoned is then given.)   

Bell had drawn up a comprehensive list of questions that bank managers had to face when they were questioned.  These questions are preserved in his papers.  They reveal, not only a shrewd knowledge of banking, but also a high degree of information of those who were involved in running the Sinn Fein finances.  For example, they were asked if they had any accounts, or had cashed any cheques, in the names of Michael Collins (Dail Loan), Robert Barton and Lionel Smith Gordon (National Land Bank), Bishop Fogarty and James O’Mara (Dail Trustees) and Darrel Figgis (Secretary of Commission into Ireland’s Resources and Industries. (List of Questions to Bank Managers, CO 904/177/1.)  

To the physical attacks by police on meetings to promote the commercial and industrial renewal of Ireland, which the Irish Bulletin had previously recorded, were now added more refined attacks on the finances that underpinned all the plans by Dail Eireann for the renewal of the Irish economy and society.   

When the managers faced Bell on 8th March 1920 at least one protested, on behalf of his Directors, that he was opposed to disclosing “the affairs of clients without the instruction of those clients” (Evidence of James Davidson, M and L, Dame Street, CO 904/177/1).  In the course of the Enquiry, however, cheques bearing the name of Michael Collins, Art O’Brien, Richard Mulcahy and Daithi O’Donoghue did come to light.  It was evident that Bell’s action threatened, not only the financial foundation of Dail Eireann’s activities, but also the security of all members of Sinn Fein named in the transactions.  The Publicity Department prepared to attack Bell’s policy in their own particular way and so also did Michael Collins and the Squad. 

On 9th March the Irish Bulletin published the summons that Bell had issued on 1st March and noted that the Dublin Daily Press had already branded it as “one of the most sensational and far-reaching encroachments of the traditional rights of the citizen” (Irish Bulletin, 9 March 1920).  

The Bulletin made it clear that the draconian terms of the summons were based on the Coercion Act of 1887, which it described as “the worst ever passed for Ireland with the exception of the war measure known as the Defence of the Realm Act”. (Ibid.)  In the light of the dramatic impact of the Summons upon civil liberties, the Irish Bulletin stated that it was of some value to know rather more about Alan Bell.  Under the heading, Who Is Alan Bell?, it announced that Bell had worked with James French Ellis, head of the English Secret Service in the 1880’s;  had arrested Henry George, the American reformer;  had played a part in the Piggott Forgeries to discredit Parnell;  and had been recalled by his former colleague, John Taylor, to Dublin Castle as a Resident Magistrate “to assist in the connection of conspiracy charges against the Republican Leaders” (Ibid.) nb:  check repetition re. facts on Taylor. 

This revelation about Bell’s past and the disclosure that his appointment as a Resident Magistrate concealed his real role at Dublin Castle was a significant publicity coup for the Irish Bulletin.  While some elements of the story were appearing in the Dublin press, the Bulletin‘s revelations brought the news to a wider audience—especially in England, America and Europe.  Further observations on Bell’s actions were published in the Freeman’s Journal of 9th March and reproduced in the Irish Bulletin on 11th March.  ?? see Catholic Bulletin 

The Bulletin noted that the powers enjoyed by Bell “are greater than those conferred upon any of the Judges of the High Court of Justice in Great Britain and Ireland”;  and cited the Freeman’s Journal to the effect that”

“no judge of the High Court in Ireland could order the witness to answer.  But Mr Alan Bell, who holds office at the bidding of the Executive… may decide the great issues that are reserved from the judges of the High Court.  And Mr Alan Bell is a gentleman without legal training” (Irish Bulletin, 11th March 1920; and Sinn Fein Weekly Summary, 8 March 1920)   

Most of these issues of the Irish Bulletin concerning Bell had been produced in the absence of Bob Brennan.  Frank Gallagher related that Brennan had informed him on the evening of 8th March that “he was leaving for other parts and would be away for three weeks” (Gallagher to Cecilia Saunders, 13th March 1920, Gallagher Papers, 10050/97, Trinity Ms).  Somewhat wryly Gallagher concluded that “I think that is wise of him to go, but as Desmond (FitzGerald) is also away it leaves us working like prehistoric men trying to do a week’s work every day” (Ibid).   

Both FitzGerald and Brennan were in London at this time and, although present during the hunger-strike of Irish prisoners at Wormwood Scrubs, had some differences with Art O’Brien over press propaganda in that regard. (O’Brien to O’Hegarty, 12 July 1920, NAI DE 2/11, Documents of Irish Foreign Policy, vol.1, p82).  

Meanwhile, in Ireland, as Bell made his move against the banks, the distinction between the propaganda response and the military response became blurred for Childers personally.   

Childers And The Army 

 The home of Childers, 20 Wellington Road, was raided by the police and military, assisted by a tank, at 1 am on the morning of 9th March 1920.  The raid was presumably made for a purpose: possibly because of the role of Childers as director of the National Land Bank; possibly because of his writings; one cannot be sure of the reason.  Of the character of the raid, however, Childers was in no doubt, writing in his diary “officers insolent: police polite”.

Rather than being intimidated by the military raid, however, Childers increased the level of his workload.  Later in the day of 9th March he gave a journalist from the Freeman’s Journal an account of the raid and he wrote a letter of complaint to the Commander-in-Chief of the Army in Ireland.  The letter was published in the press and in the Irish Bulletin on 12th March. (Childers Diary, 9 March 1920, 7811, Trinity MS).  

Prior to its appearance the Commander had admitted “unseemly conduct” by his troops.  Concealed beneath an air of apparent levity, Childers made several hard-hitting criticisms of the British Army.  The letter began: 

” received the honour of a visit last night from a tank belonging to your command at the somewhat inconvenient hour of 1 a.m.  I do not demur to this.  War is War.”

Childers continued that “it would, perhaps, be unreasonable to complain of bayonets being flashed in the eyes of my small boy in his cot”, but he felt that the action of a subaltern smoking during the raid and then stubbing the cigarette out on the carpet in the living room was not in the best tradition of the British army.  

He concluded by objecting to the thousands of night raids that were taking place and expressed the hope that by its future conduct “the army should leave behind it a record for civility and humanity in the performance even of its most obnoxious duties” (Childers to General Officer, C in C, 9 March 1920, IB, 12 March 1920).

As a result of his letter about the raid, Childers recorded in his diary that he had received many letters of sympathy.  Among his correspondents were Bishop Fogarty, Violet Bryce, Maurice FitzGerald, owner of the Freeman’s Journal, and Stephen Gwynn, who wrote about it in the Observer.? (Childers Diary, 17 March 1920, 7811, Trinity MS).  

Personal contacts were also made with Sir Horace Plunkett, who had spoken out publicly against the Home Rule Bill, Douglas Hyde, Alice Stopford Green and Dumont, the American Consul.  

Childers was also in touch with Arthur Griffith and Frank Gallagher about publicity matters for the Irish Bulletin (Childers Diary, 9-17 March 1920, 7811, Trinity MS).  These visits and publications took place against the continuing backdrop of his work for the Bank in whose interests he was depositing significant sums of money:  £22,000 on 6th March and £10,000 on 10th March.   

Then, on 19th March, an interesting personal interlude took place:  Childers began negotiations to buy the house of Sir John Taylor as his new family home.  From living in a house in Wellington Road that was the subject of military raids, he prepared to move into the house of the Assistant Under Secretary, one of the best guarded residences in Ireland!  

Childers described Lady Taylor, whom he met at Bushy Park, Rathgar, as “very friendly”, and finalised the arrangements for moving into his new home and its famous rose garden (Childers Diary, 19th March 1920 and 15th and 22nd March, and 16th April 1920 for completion of purchase, 7811, Trinity MS; Padraic Colum, Arthur Griffith, Dublin, 1959, p226 and elsewhere for an appreciation of the roles of Taylor and Bell).  

As Childers made his move to Bushy Park, decisive moves were taking place that were to shape events in America and Ireland. 

(To be continued)