Dail Eireann debates, Vol. 77, 3 and 4, 2 September, 1939.

. . . Back in February last, I stated in a very definite way that it was the aim of Government policy, in case of a European war, to keep this country, if at all possible, out of it. We have pursued that policy, and we intend to pursue it. On another occasion, when speaking in the house of that policy, I pointed out how extremely difficult it was going to be. In a sense, the Government of a nation that proposes to be neutral in a war of this sort, has problems much more delicate and much more difficult of solution even in the problems that arise for a belligerent.

It is not, as some people appear to think, sufficient for us to indicate our attitude, or to express the desire of our people. It is necessary at every step to protect our own interests in that regard, to avoid giving to any of  the belligerents any due cause, any proper cause, of complaint.

Of course, when you have powerful States in a war of this sort, each trying to utilise whatever advantage it can for itself, the neutral State, if it is a small State, is always open to considerable pressure. I am stating what every one of you knows to be a fact. Therefore, when I was speaking of our policy of neutrality on a former occasion, I said it was a policy which could only be pursued if we had a determined people, a people determined to stand by their own rights, conscious of the fact that they did not wish to injure anybody, or throw their weight, from the belligerent  point of view, on the one side or the other . . .

. . . I do not think our policy comes as a surprise to anybody. We, like other people, have, as individuals, each one of us, our sympathies in struggles of a kind like the present.

In fact, as war is a great human tragedy, and as wars are initiated usually for no slight reason—there is generally some fundamental cause of sufficient magnitude to make nations resort to the arbitrament of force—and so it is only natural that, as human beings, we should judge the situation and, having formed a judgement, sympathise with one side or the other. I know that in this country there are sympathies, very strong sympathies, in regard to the present issues, but I do not think that anybody, no matter what his feelings might be, would suggest that the Government policy, the official policy of the State, should be other than what the Government would suggest.

We, of all nations, know what force used by a stronger nation against a weaker one means. We have known what invasion and partition means; we are not forgetful of our own history and, as long as our own country or any part of it, is subject to force, the application of force by a stronger nation, it is only natural that our people, whatever sympathies they might have in a conflict like the present should look at their own country first and should, accordingly, in looking at their own country, consider what its interests should be and what its interests are.

It is not as representing the sentiments or feelings of our people that the Government stands before you with this policy. It stands before you as the guardian of the interests of our people, and it is to guard these interests as best we can that we are proposing to follow the policy which I indicated as Government policy as far back as February last. I do not think, therefore, it is necessary for me to add anything, in view of the timely notice and in view of the fact that there has been no part of the country, as far as I have seen, any strong or any definite objection to that policy, except to say that I am sure all reasonable people must realise the difficulty . . .

BRITAIN, FRANCE DECLARE WAR AGAINST GERMANY

“BRITAIN and France declared war on Germany yesterday. Australia and New Zealand followed the British announcement, broadcast by King George VI and Mr. Chamberlain, with formal declarations of war on Germany.

“The German Government has refused to accept the British and French notes demanding withdrawal of German troops from Poland. The reply  declares that the German action is defensive against Polish aggression incited by Britain’s “blank cheque” to Poland.” (The Irish Press-4.9.1939)

IRELAND NEUTRAL

Oireachtas Is Unanimous For Emergency Measures

THE Government intended to pursue its policy of keeping the country out of war, the Taoiseach informed the Oireachtas on Saturday, when a special session of the Dail and Seanad passed, without division, all stages of the Amendment of the Constitution Bill and the

Emergency Powers Bill. Resolutions were past declaring a state of national emergency. The Bills were later signed by the President.

A TESTING TIME

(The Irish Press-4.9.1939)

A TESTING TIME for the Irish people has come. Almost on the anniversary of the last great war another is engulfing Europe. It calls from this nation the assertion of that neutrality which many months was declared by An Taoiseach to be the policy of this people in such a time of crisis.

It is inevitable that a European conflict of the tragic dimension of that which has now begun, would impose on us in a special way the duty of disciplined obedience to our Government, to-day faced with problems of grave and complex character.

That the Government itself anticipated these problems and has been able already to pass into law the Emergency

Powers which all Governments must have in such circumstances, is itself an earnest  example that the national leadership is effective and determined to protect our people as far as is humanly possible from the terrible dangers of the hour.

But it is to the people themselves that every nation must look for its strength in times of crisis. Throughout Europe to-day, many of the smaller states are giving an example what character in a nation can accomplish. Willingly accepting burdens, resolutely facing difficulties, these people are demonstrating that capacity for unselfish citizenship which is in the last resort, the test of a nation’s greatness.

No less than the most disciplined of these other States, Ireland can also show to the world the spectacle of organised co-operation with the governing authority. Our safety in the coming months lies in that. To each of us the call has come to put the security of all above any selfish interest.

The Irish nation has a wonderful heritage of disciplined acceptance of wise leadership. In other days that great quality was shown in giving strength to those who battled for our right to govern ourselves. To-day it can be shown, in the greater part of Ireland, in giving strength to those who do actually govern us, our own elected choice.

The discussions in the Dail and Senate reported in our columns to-day provide an example of how truly An Taoiseach has expressed the national will in the policy he has adopted. From every party, those opposed on other grounds to the present Government no less than those in support, came to emphatic approval of the preservation of Irish neutrality.

Each of us has his own ideas and sympathies as regard the issues raised by this saddening struggle. Our responsibility as citizens is to see by no act or word of ours shall these views lead us beyond what the State has proclaimed our national purpose to be.

Without doubt there will be great difficulties and great dangers to be faced as this war develops. We shall face them as a united people. History has established our courage. The story of our national movement has proved our capacity for discipline.

To-day we will give to other nations the proof that we, no less than they, can co-operate fully, generously, manfully, of what our Government asks of us. National honour lies that way no less than national security.

Let us face the future pledged to put before all else the ideals of an ancient and proud people neither willing that its rights should be injured nor that it should injure the rights and security of other nations.

GERMANY’S NEUTRALITY ATTITUDE TO IRELAND—Mr. De Valera intimated to press representatives while the Dail was in session yesterday morning that the German minister had called on him on Thursday last and informed him of Germany’s peaceful attitude towards Ireland and said that if Germany were engaged in a European war the German Government would respect Ireland’s neutrality, provided it were adhered to.

Mr. de Valera replied that the Irish Government wished to remain at peace with Germany, as with all other Powers, and referred to a statement published in the Press on February  20 [1939] last, that the aim of Government policy was to maintain and preserve Ireland’s neutrality in the event of war.

U.S. “Won’t Black-Out Peace—“America will remain a neutral nation,” declared President Roosevelt to-night in Washington. “But a neutral cannot be asked to close his mind or his conscience.”

The proclamation of American Neutrality was already being prepared, he said. He hoped that “in days to come U.S. neutrality could be made a true neutrality,” and emphasised that “as long as it remains within my power to prevent it, there will be no blackout of peace in the United States.”

“Let no man or woman thoughtlessly or falsely talk of America sending its armies to European fields.”

“I hope the United States will keep out of war. I believe that it will, and I assure you every effort of your Government will be directed towards that end.” (3.9.1939). (The Irish Press-4.9.1939)

SENATOR SIR JOHN KEANE said he did not wish to embarrass the Government, but he was voicing the opinion of a substantial section unhappy about this attitude of neutrality.

They must surely be in sympathy with the democracies. If that was accepted, there was a very thin dividing line between their national interests and their national honour.

Consideration of the fact that their country was divided and that the division was sustained by force should not overide their responsibilities as a sovereign power towards the issues involved. If the Government had the courage to come out as other dominions had done in this matter, and said it was not because they were a member of the Commonwealth at all, because the felt so deeply the issues involved, they were prepared to declare themselves as siding openly with the democracies. If they could do that, they would do more in that act alone to unite their country and break down the unfortunate barrier that now divided it than by any other act.

SENATOR FRANCIS CHARLES MacDERMOT ADMISSION—Senator MacDermot said the powers being asked would not be asked for in connection with any war in which Britain was not involved. These powers were being asked for because of our peculiar and intimate relations with Great Britain. That called upon us to consider whether our neutrality was not going to be of a very special and peculiar kind. He admitted that the vast majority of the people wanted neutrality, and it would not be practicable at present for any government to follow any other policy. Nevertheless he did not think that was right.

In his opinion  there was not a country in the world whose spiritual and material interest were so immediately and overwhelmingly affected by this war as our own. If England,  France or Poland were defeated, everything spiritual that the Irish race had stood for would be defeated, and more than that, this country would be reduced to a state of rags and beggary that it had not known for many centuries.

He knew it would not be possible to send out an expeditionary force, but but entry into the war would mean a practical co-operation in the defense of the British Isles as a whole “and a defense of the shipping upon which we depended so much. The moral effect of our decision to stand out of the war was bad”.

SENATOR GOULDING  said that portion of our country is being held against the wishes of the majority and it would be very invidious for us to help any country to preserve in any part of Europe the same situation as we had here.

Neutral States in World War II

Afghanistan, Andorra, Estonia, Iceland, Ireland, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Portugal, Spain, San Marino, Sweden, Switzerland, Tibet, Vatican City, and Yemen were all neutral during the war.